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Lebanon's safety is put on the line to serve Hezbollah's strategic aims
By Hania Mourtada
Posted: July 15, 2006
Just at a time when Lebanon is hoping to recuperate from the detrimental past year which had brought
about innumerable costs, both in terms of economy and internal security, an unanticipated and fatal
strike is administered by its neighbor Israel. The latter, caught in a never-ending clash with the radical
Islamist party Hezbollah, is particularly infamous in the region for adopting unwavering and categorical
stances when it comes to protecting its own welfare.
Unfortunately for the Lebanese, they did not see this particular offensive coming their way. Recognized
as breeding ground for militant activity, Lebanon is constantly targeted by the Israelis and, needless to
say, vigilantly overseen by Israel’s many enemies. It would seem that the price too often paid by this
fragile state and its occupants often surpasses the purpose for which the battle is being waged in the
first place.
Yet once again Lebanon’s safety is put on the line to serve Hezbollah’s own strategic needs and
Israel’s forceful demands. Acting independently from the oblivious Lebanese government, the militia --
apparently in accord with militant group Hamas -- suddenly took it upon itself to launch a combat
across the Lebanese-Israeli border. From that point on it became clear that there was no coming back.
The intent was to capture Israeli soldiers which would be, then, conveniently used to pressure Israel
into releasing long-held Arab detainees.
At the end of the day, however, the result was a sequence of unrestrained and, what is more,
unpredictable bombardments on the part of Israel. Hezbollah’s tentative attempt at starting off
negotiations to exchange prisoners quickly led to full-blown havoc and Lebanon soon found itself
spiraling downward in ways forebodingly reminiscent of a grim past. Given the history of the region
and Israel’s renowned uncompromising policies, it comes as a big surprise that Hezbollah should act
in such a ruthless way while actually hoping to gain something out of the situation.
The only logical explanation to such a major calculated move coming from Hezbollah would be that it
has secured itself a steady support structure to fall back on. Obviously the structure under much
discussion presently is made up of the Iran-Syria Axis on one hand and of the Palestinian militant
group Hamas and its Lebanese equivalent Hezbollah on the other.
Despite being already involved in one critical ongoing conflict in the Gaza strip, Israel’s retaliation was
swift and momentous. Israel is, in fact, not only showcasing a lot of tenacity in its efforts to ward off the
menace but Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert has made it quite clear that he was the wrong person
for such intimidations. Thus far it seems both concerned parties are determined to stand their
grounds. But, when all is said and done, who will be enduring the harsh outcome other than Lebanese
or even Israeli civilians?
Following six years of relative peace, the Lebanese find themselves cornered once more. Going after
Hezbollah’s key locations in southern Lebanon, the Israeli military undertakings initially centered
around a few bridges and roads begetting much anxiety in the area. The major surprise came when
Israeli warplanes hit several runways of Beirut’s international airport causing great damage,
hampering tourist circulation and outraging the Lebanese cabinet.
Right at the outset of the conflict, the Lebanese government had immediately acquitted itself of any
responsibility regarding the attacks of Hezbollah and had also stressed the fact that it had had no say
whatsoever in the latest developments. As for the militant Shiite party’s spokesman, Sheikh Hasan
Nasrallah, he had urged the Lebanese people to stand their ground and had provokingly declared that
the two captives would not be returned unless Israel gives in and works out some sort of compromise.
Highly skeptical of the Lebanese political scene and wary of the clumsy interchange that keeps taking
place between different political parties, most Lebanese civilians are asking themselves whether all
this is worth the ‘hell broke loose’ situation being deliberately inflicted upon them.
As the targeted spots multiply non stop at this very moment, Beirut has grown increasingly quiet which
offers a stunning contrast to the usual hustle and bustle that reigns over the city at all times. It seems
commerce has been dealt an irrevocable blow and energy sources have hardly been spared since just
an hour ago a gas factory in Jiyeh was bombed. Most people, still embittered to this day by past
encounters with the Israeli willpower, have robotically switched into survival mode.
Fearing the worst, they flooded the supermarkets in great numbers looking to store food and
necessities. Some have even gone off to hide in the dreadfully familiar shelters. For most this is a
flashback, something they had hoped their children would never witness. It appears that Olmert ’s
recent promise to return Lebanon to its state of 20 years ago has been actually kept. With bleak
prospects ahead, no airport, several of their borders shut down, a devastating scene of destruction, a
naval blockade and an incompetent horde of ministers, the Lebanese are certainly awaiting
international intervention on their behalf.
Syria has offered to provide compensational electricity in case Lebanon’s power station is targeted but
times past have shown all too well at what cost Syria’s help comes.
Israel’s response on Thursday night and early Friday -- third and fourth days of bombings -- was
nothing short of disastrous. Some Lebanese people are already starting to point fingers at Hezbollah
accusing it of “almost inviting the Israelis to bombard” by pursuing its own trans-regional interests
and loyalties. In fact many seem to think that all Hezbollah endorses is the Shiite branch of Islam and a
long bygone form of pan-Arabism. But all the same, Hezbollah does have its share in government
seats and partakes in most of the decisions concerning Lebanon’s future.
The Lebanese scene is rather divided on this issue because Hezbollah is often seen under two
disparate lights. At times it is proudly referred to as a “resistance” to the Israeli occupation while at
others it is cast off as an out-of-order guerrilla group. Whether it is the former or the latter labeling that
is adopted tends to depend on the religious belonging of the identifier.
When UN Security Council eventually imposes ceasefire, the Lebanese cabinet will undoubtedly hold
Hezbollah accountable for what happened. The worn-out issue of disarming the militant party will
resurface but, really, to what avail?
### ### ###
Hania Mourtada is a Global Affairs Intern, The Atlantic Affairs.
By Hania Mourtada
Posted: July 15, 2006
Just at a time when Lebanon is hoping to recuperate from the detrimental past year which had brought
about innumerable costs, both in terms of economy and internal security, an unanticipated and fatal
strike is administered by its neighbor Israel. The latter, caught in a never-ending clash with the radical
Islamist party Hezbollah, is particularly infamous in the region for adopting unwavering and categorical
stances when it comes to protecting its own welfare.
Unfortunately for the Lebanese, they did not see this particular offensive coming their way. Recognized
as breeding ground for militant activity, Lebanon is constantly targeted by the Israelis and, needless to
say, vigilantly overseen by Israel’s many enemies. It would seem that the price too often paid by this
fragile state and its occupants often surpasses the purpose for which the battle is being waged in the
first place.
Yet once again Lebanon’s safety is put on the line to serve Hezbollah’s own strategic needs and
Israel’s forceful demands. Acting independently from the oblivious Lebanese government, the militia --
apparently in accord with militant group Hamas -- suddenly took it upon itself to launch a combat
across the Lebanese-Israeli border. From that point on it became clear that there was no coming back.
The intent was to capture Israeli soldiers which would be, then, conveniently used to pressure Israel
into releasing long-held Arab detainees.
At the end of the day, however, the result was a sequence of unrestrained and, what is more,
unpredictable bombardments on the part of Israel. Hezbollah’s tentative attempt at starting off
negotiations to exchange prisoners quickly led to full-blown havoc and Lebanon soon found itself
spiraling downward in ways forebodingly reminiscent of a grim past. Given the history of the region
and Israel’s renowned uncompromising policies, it comes as a big surprise that Hezbollah should act
in such a ruthless way while actually hoping to gain something out of the situation.
The only logical explanation to such a major calculated move coming from Hezbollah would be that it
has secured itself a steady support structure to fall back on. Obviously the structure under much
discussion presently is made up of the Iran-Syria Axis on one hand and of the Palestinian militant
group Hamas and its Lebanese equivalent Hezbollah on the other.
Despite being already involved in one critical ongoing conflict in the Gaza strip, Israel’s retaliation was
swift and momentous. Israel is, in fact, not only showcasing a lot of tenacity in its efforts to ward off the
menace but Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert has made it quite clear that he was the wrong person
for such intimidations. Thus far it seems both concerned parties are determined to stand their
grounds. But, when all is said and done, who will be enduring the harsh outcome other than Lebanese
or even Israeli civilians?
Following six years of relative peace, the Lebanese find themselves cornered once more. Going after
Hezbollah’s key locations in southern Lebanon, the Israeli military undertakings initially centered
around a few bridges and roads begetting much anxiety in the area. The major surprise came when
Israeli warplanes hit several runways of Beirut’s international airport causing great damage,
hampering tourist circulation and outraging the Lebanese cabinet.
Right at the outset of the conflict, the Lebanese government had immediately acquitted itself of any
responsibility regarding the attacks of Hezbollah and had also stressed the fact that it had had no say
whatsoever in the latest developments. As for the militant Shiite party’s spokesman, Sheikh Hasan
Nasrallah, he had urged the Lebanese people to stand their ground and had provokingly declared that
the two captives would not be returned unless Israel gives in and works out some sort of compromise.
Highly skeptical of the Lebanese political scene and wary of the clumsy interchange that keeps taking
place between different political parties, most Lebanese civilians are asking themselves whether all
this is worth the ‘hell broke loose’ situation being deliberately inflicted upon them.
As the targeted spots multiply non stop at this very moment, Beirut has grown increasingly quiet which
offers a stunning contrast to the usual hustle and bustle that reigns over the city at all times. It seems
commerce has been dealt an irrevocable blow and energy sources have hardly been spared since just
an hour ago a gas factory in Jiyeh was bombed. Most people, still embittered to this day by past
encounters with the Israeli willpower, have robotically switched into survival mode.
Fearing the worst, they flooded the supermarkets in great numbers looking to store food and
necessities. Some have even gone off to hide in the dreadfully familiar shelters. For most this is a
flashback, something they had hoped their children would never witness. It appears that Olmert ’s
recent promise to return Lebanon to its state of 20 years ago has been actually kept. With bleak
prospects ahead, no airport, several of their borders shut down, a devastating scene of destruction, a
naval blockade and an incompetent horde of ministers, the Lebanese are certainly awaiting
international intervention on their behalf.
Syria has offered to provide compensational electricity in case Lebanon’s power station is targeted but
times past have shown all too well at what cost Syria’s help comes.
Israel’s response on Thursday night and early Friday -- third and fourth days of bombings -- was
nothing short of disastrous. Some Lebanese people are already starting to point fingers at Hezbollah
accusing it of “almost inviting the Israelis to bombard” by pursuing its own trans-regional interests
and loyalties. In fact many seem to think that all Hezbollah endorses is the Shiite branch of Islam and a
long bygone form of pan-Arabism. But all the same, Hezbollah does have its share in government
seats and partakes in most of the decisions concerning Lebanon’s future.
The Lebanese scene is rather divided on this issue because Hezbollah is often seen under two
disparate lights. At times it is proudly referred to as a “resistance” to the Israeli occupation while at
others it is cast off as an out-of-order guerrilla group. Whether it is the former or the latter labeling that
is adopted tends to depend on the religious belonging of the identifier.
When UN Security Council eventually imposes ceasefire, the Lebanese cabinet will undoubtedly hold
Hezbollah accountable for what happened. The worn-out issue of disarming the militant party will
resurface but, really, to what avail?
### ### ###
Hania Mourtada is a Global Affairs Intern, The Atlantic Affairs.
| (c) 2006 New Criterion Foundation, London |
| Security. Ideologies. Multiculturalism. |