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The Case for Goliath: America's role in the world
By Susan Froetschel
Posted: March 14, 2006
Hating America, the sole superpower, is in fashion around the world.
But Michael Mandelbaum is unapologetic, even as he compares the
United States with a villainous giant of biblical proportion.
Mandelbaum, a foreign policy scholar who teaches at the School of
Advanced International Studies of Johns Hopkins University, goes
beyond defending the modern Goliath. He wishes that the US, or rather
the American people - were recognized for their role and admired.
Mandelbaum wonders why no one has ever suggested giving a Nobel
Peace Prize to the "American public for supporting the policies of
reassurance, nuclear nonproliferation and economic stabilization that
have done far more to avoid war and mitigate other causes of human
suffering than any Nobel laureate has managed." It does not matter if
the prize was thus given to people who unintentionally fell into a role -
confronting threats to democracy, establishing economic order - and
then continued the role out of habit.
The book is a history of modern global power, but Mandelbaum's
analysis includes no individual heroes or leaders. Instead, he
describes events creating the power, suggesting along the way that the
US public is a bumbling Goliath, a de facto world government, providing
only partial services to bring order and security to the world.
Mandelbaum engages his readers, not with narratives but with
analogies that reveal double standards. For example, he compares
nations critical of the US to the French police chief in the film
"Casablanca." Needing an excuse to close a popular night club, the
chief blows a whistle and proclaims: "I'm shocked, shocked to discover
gambling is going on here." Immediately, the croupier hands the police
chief a wad of cash, "Your winnings, sir," and the chief mutters, "Thank
you very much."
And such is the thanks that the US receives for its role as world
government, according to Mandelbaum. Because the US is a
freewheeling democracy, the scope and direction of its foreign policy "is
destined to be permanently contested." Americans willingly pay a high
price for their security, and politicians in the US and other countries
have learned to frame issues around that single goal.
In describing that desire for security, Mandelbaum does not shy away
from US failings. Elaborating these, he adopts a chiding tone, that of a
patient professor who must explain introductory economics: for
neglecting to secure global approval before military interventions (every
choice has opportunity costs), for not taking the lead in conserving oil
(price influences supply), or for not taking action on global warming
(governments are necessary to fund public goods). In the absence of a
formal world government, the US and other countries seek security and
stability above all other priorities.
On this chaotic planet a world government is a must. But in a few
paragraphs, Mandelbaum dismisses the most obvious candidate for a
world government - the United Nations - calling it a "trade association"
of states. "For a genuine global government to come into being, the
world's independent countries would have to cede their sovereign
prerogatives to it. This they have never been willing to do," he says.
Another possible model for world government is the European Union,
which Mandelbaum calls a "world society." The continent would have
the potential to lead on world issues, if it didn't practice such a
parochial outlook on a shrinking world. Instead, Mandelbaum
compares Europe to a "retired" person, full of sage advice, but too
weary for actual planning and work.
The US as world government and the EU as world society are hardly
selfless, and Mandelbaum is most harsh while criticizing the West for
not doing more to battle global poverty. As he puts it, "The most
valuable contribution the wealthy countries can make [ to alleviate
poverty] is not to donate a tiny fraction of their gross domestic products
in the form of aid but rather to open their home markets to the things
that poor countries produce." Ironically, the US and Europe do not
perceive poverty as an immediate threat to security, yet neglect is a
dangerous strategy, because that breeds hopelessness, ignorance
and terrorism.
Mandelbaum's argument - that a Goliath's power can be positive - is
provocative. From the start, he points out that he regards nations as the
players in his book and that no David - or group of Davids - has yet
stepped forward to challenge the US as Goliath. Yet the book's title is
troublesome and distracting. Readers can't help but think of suicide
bombers putting themselves in the role of courageous underdog.
Mandelbaum's argument is logical for western readers, but could
hardly convince those who detest the US or the order it brings to the
world. Political leaders who are ruthless and unjust, have learned that
they can blame the US for their many problems, deflecting attention
from their own faults. And logic is lost on groups like Al Qaeda, fortified
with ideology and intent on terror. International agreement is difficult,
and Mandelbaum points out that the most civilized nations of the world
scrap international law, as the US did by invading Iraq, when it suits
their interests.
But perhaps Mandelbaum's subtle goal is to convince the American
public of its own worth. The US still has the potential to solve immense
problems - making a transition to a new form of energy that will replace
oil, addressing environmental problems like climate change, or fighting
poverty.
Goliath has its vulnerable points, and small attacks can fell the giant.
Yet Mandelbaum identifies the major threat to the US continuing to
serve as world government is its own citizens who will resist paying the
tremendous costs. Even if the world was disposed to bestowing any
nation with formal global leadership, other countries express no
eagerness to replace the US. Mandelbaum bluntly predicts: "They will
not pay for it, they will continue to criticize it, and they will miss it when
it's gone."
So his book ends with nostalgia for the kind of order and prosperity that
only empires or superpowers can create. Whether the leader is the US
or some emerging power, the world requires leadership at the
international level - providing security that truly protects trade and
political freedom.
### ### ###
The Case for Goliath: How America Acts as the World's Government in
the 21st Century
By Michael Mandelbaum
New York: Public Affairs, 2005
Susan Froetschel is assistant editor of YaleGlobal Online. This article is
copyrighted by YaleGlobal Online and is published with permission.
By Susan Froetschel
Posted: March 14, 2006
Hating America, the sole superpower, is in fashion around the world.
But Michael Mandelbaum is unapologetic, even as he compares the
United States with a villainous giant of biblical proportion.
Mandelbaum, a foreign policy scholar who teaches at the School of
Advanced International Studies of Johns Hopkins University, goes
beyond defending the modern Goliath. He wishes that the US, or rather
the American people - were recognized for their role and admired.
Mandelbaum wonders why no one has ever suggested giving a Nobel
Peace Prize to the "American public for supporting the policies of
reassurance, nuclear nonproliferation and economic stabilization that
have done far more to avoid war and mitigate other causes of human
suffering than any Nobel laureate has managed." It does not matter if
the prize was thus given to people who unintentionally fell into a role -
confronting threats to democracy, establishing economic order - and
then continued the role out of habit.
The book is a history of modern global power, but Mandelbaum's
analysis includes no individual heroes or leaders. Instead, he
describes events creating the power, suggesting along the way that the
US public is a bumbling Goliath, a de facto world government, providing
only partial services to bring order and security to the world.
Mandelbaum engages his readers, not with narratives but with
analogies that reveal double standards. For example, he compares
nations critical of the US to the French police chief in the film
"Casablanca." Needing an excuse to close a popular night club, the
chief blows a whistle and proclaims: "I'm shocked, shocked to discover
gambling is going on here." Immediately, the croupier hands the police
chief a wad of cash, "Your winnings, sir," and the chief mutters, "Thank
you very much."
And such is the thanks that the US receives for its role as world
government, according to Mandelbaum. Because the US is a
freewheeling democracy, the scope and direction of its foreign policy "is
destined to be permanently contested." Americans willingly pay a high
price for their security, and politicians in the US and other countries
have learned to frame issues around that single goal.
In describing that desire for security, Mandelbaum does not shy away
from US failings. Elaborating these, he adopts a chiding tone, that of a
patient professor who must explain introductory economics: for
neglecting to secure global approval before military interventions (every
choice has opportunity costs), for not taking the lead in conserving oil
(price influences supply), or for not taking action on global warming
(governments are necessary to fund public goods). In the absence of a
formal world government, the US and other countries seek security and
stability above all other priorities.
On this chaotic planet a world government is a must. But in a few
paragraphs, Mandelbaum dismisses the most obvious candidate for a
world government - the United Nations - calling it a "trade association"
of states. "For a genuine global government to come into being, the
world's independent countries would have to cede their sovereign
prerogatives to it. This they have never been willing to do," he says.
Another possible model for world government is the European Union,
which Mandelbaum calls a "world society." The continent would have
the potential to lead on world issues, if it didn't practice such a
parochial outlook on a shrinking world. Instead, Mandelbaum
compares Europe to a "retired" person, full of sage advice, but too
weary for actual planning and work.
The US as world government and the EU as world society are hardly
selfless, and Mandelbaum is most harsh while criticizing the West for
not doing more to battle global poverty. As he puts it, "The most
valuable contribution the wealthy countries can make [ to alleviate
poverty] is not to donate a tiny fraction of their gross domestic products
in the form of aid but rather to open their home markets to the things
that poor countries produce." Ironically, the US and Europe do not
perceive poverty as an immediate threat to security, yet neglect is a
dangerous strategy, because that breeds hopelessness, ignorance
and terrorism.
Mandelbaum's argument - that a Goliath's power can be positive - is
provocative. From the start, he points out that he regards nations as the
players in his book and that no David - or group of Davids - has yet
stepped forward to challenge the US as Goliath. Yet the book's title is
troublesome and distracting. Readers can't help but think of suicide
bombers putting themselves in the role of courageous underdog.
Mandelbaum's argument is logical for western readers, but could
hardly convince those who detest the US or the order it brings to the
world. Political leaders who are ruthless and unjust, have learned that
they can blame the US for their many problems, deflecting attention
from their own faults. And logic is lost on groups like Al Qaeda, fortified
with ideology and intent on terror. International agreement is difficult,
and Mandelbaum points out that the most civilized nations of the world
scrap international law, as the US did by invading Iraq, when it suits
their interests.
But perhaps Mandelbaum's subtle goal is to convince the American
public of its own worth. The US still has the potential to solve immense
problems - making a transition to a new form of energy that will replace
oil, addressing environmental problems like climate change, or fighting
poverty.
Goliath has its vulnerable points, and small attacks can fell the giant.
Yet Mandelbaum identifies the major threat to the US continuing to
serve as world government is its own citizens who will resist paying the
tremendous costs. Even if the world was disposed to bestowing any
nation with formal global leadership, other countries express no
eagerness to replace the US. Mandelbaum bluntly predicts: "They will
not pay for it, they will continue to criticize it, and they will miss it when
it's gone."
So his book ends with nostalgia for the kind of order and prosperity that
only empires or superpowers can create. Whether the leader is the US
or some emerging power, the world requires leadership at the
international level - providing security that truly protects trade and
political freedom.
### ### ###
The Case for Goliath: How America Acts as the World's Government in
the 21st Century
By Michael Mandelbaum
New York: Public Affairs, 2005
Susan Froetschel is assistant editor of YaleGlobal Online. This article is
copyrighted by YaleGlobal Online and is published with permission.
| (c) 2006 New Criterion Foundation, London |